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In this stage, one develops the skill to evoke feelings and images based on the patterns of sound. The mournful saxophone passage recalls the sense of awe one has when watching storm clouds build up over the prairie; the Tchaikovsky piece makes one visualize a sleigh driving through a snowbound forest, with its bells tinkling. Popular songs of course exploit the analogic mode to its fullest by cuing in the listener with lyrics that spell out what mood or what story the music is supposed to represent. In this mode attention shifts to the structural elements of music, instead of the sensory or narrative ones. Listening skills at this level involve the ability to recognize the order underlying the work, and the means by which the harmony was achieved. They include the ability to evaluate critically the performance and the acoustics; to compare the piece with earlier and later pieces of the same composer, or with the work of other composers writing at the same time; and to compare the orchestra, conductor, or band with their own earlier and later performances, or with the interpretations of others. As one develops analytic listening skills, the opportunities to enjoy music increase geometrically. So far we have considered only how flow arises from listening, but even greater rewards are open to those who learn to make music. The civilizing power of Apollo depended on his ability to play the lyre, Pan drove his audiences to frenzy with his pipes, and Orpheus with his music was able to restrain even death. These legends point to the connection between the ability to create harmony in sound and the more general and abstract harmony that underlies the kind of social order we call a civilization. Mindful of that connection, Plato believed that children should be taught music before anything else; in learning to pay attention to graceful rhythms and harmonies their whole consciousness would become ordered. It is discouraging how these three basic skills, so important for improving the quality of life, are generally considered to be superfluous in the current educational climate. Deprived of serious exposure to music, children grow into teenagers who make up for their early deprivation by investing inordinate amounts of psychic energy into their own music. They form rock groups, buy tapes and records, and generally become captives of a subculture that does not offer many opportunities for making consciousness more complex. Even when children are taught music, the usual problem often arises: too much emphasis is placed on how they perform, and too little on what they experience. Parents who push their children to excel at the violin are generally not interested in whether the children are actually enjoying the playing; they want the child to perform well enough to attract attention, to win prizes, and to end up on the stage of Carnegie Hall. By doing so, they succeed in perverting music into the opposite of what it was designed to be: they turn it into a source of psychic disorder. Parental expectations for musical behavior often create great stress, and sometimes a complete breakdown. When he was a teenager the fingers of his hands froze during a concert recital, and he could not open his clawed hands for many years thereafter. Some subconscious mechanism below the threshold of his awareness had decided to spare him the constant pain of parental criticism. Now Hollander, recovered from the psychologically induced paralysis, spends much of his time helping other gifted young instrumentalists to enjoy music the way it is meant to be enjoyed. Although playing an instrument is best learned when young, it is really never too late to start. Some music teachers specialize in adult and older students, and many a successful businessman decides to learn the piano after age fifty. Personal computers now come with sophisticated software that makes composition easy, and allows one to listen immediately to the orchestration. Learning to produce harmo- Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi / 113 nious sounds is not only enjoyable, but like the mastery of any complex skill, it also helps strengthen the self. The stomach is the conductor that leads and livens up the great orchestra of our emotions. The musical metaphor is echoed by Heinz MaierLeibnitz, the German physicist who has recently written several cookbooks: "The joy of cooking at home," he says, "compared to eating in one of the best restaurants, is like playing a string quartet in the living room as compared to a great concert. Even as late as twentyfive years ago, the general attitude was that "feeding your face" was all right, but to make too much fuss about it was somehow decadent. In the past two decades, of course, the trend has reversed itself so sharply that earlier misgivings about gastronomic excesses seem almost to have been justified.

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They formed in-groups (to which loyalty is expressed) and out-groups (to which antagonism is expressed). This competition with the other group can also strengthen the unity within each group. Members apply positive stereotypes to their in-group and negative stereotypes to the out-group. In other words, loyalty to the in-group led to antagonism and aggression toward the out-group, including fierce competitions for the same resources. Later in the same experiment, though, Sherif had the boys work together to solve mutual problems. When they cooperated with one another, the Eagles and Rattlers became less divided, hostile, and competitive. People may form opinions or judge their own behaviors against those of a reference group (a group used as a standard for selfappraisals). Parishioners at a particular church, for instance, may evaluate themselves by the standards of a denomination, and then feel good about adhering to those standards. Such positive self-evaluation reflects the normative effect that a reference group has on its own members, as well as those who compare themselves to the group. If most parishioners shine in their spiritual accomplishments, then the others will probably compare themselves to them. Consequently, the "not-so-spiritual" parishioners may form a negative self-appraisal for not feeling "up to par. Primary groups are those in which individuals intimately interact and cooperate over a long period of time. Examples of primary groups are families, friends, peers, neighbors, classmates, sororities, fraternities, and church members. These groups are marked by primary relationships in which communication is informal. In contrast, secondary groups are those in which individuals do not interact much. Members of secondary groups are less personal or emotional than those of primary groups. These groups are marked by secondary relationships in which communication is formal. Members of secondary groups may not know each other or have much face-to-face interaction. Primary relationships are most common in small and traditional societies, while secondary relationships are the norm in large and industrial societies. For most Americans, time and other commitments limit the number of possible primary relationships. Further, acquaintances and friendships can easily spring forth from secondary relationships. People are more likely to experience primary relationships in small group settings than in large settings. A dyad is perhaps the most cohesive of all groups because of its potential for very close and intense interactions. The more people who join a group, the less personal and intimate that group becomes. In other words, as a group increases in size, its members participate and cooperate less, and are more likely to be dissatisfied. In this case, people may feel that because so many others are available to help, responsibility to help is shifted to others. Similarly, as a group increases in size, its members are more likely to engage in social loafing, in which people work less because they expect others to take over their tasks. Leadership and conformity Sociologists have been especially interested in two forms of group behavior: conformity and leadership. Many people go along with the majority regardless of the consequences or their personal opinions. Asch assembled several groups of student volunteers and then asked the subjects which of the three lines on a card was as long as the line on another card. During group-think, members of a cohesive group endorse a single explanation or answer, usually at the expense of ignoring reality. The group does not tolerate dissenting opinions, seeing them as signs of disloyalty to the group.

This suggests that setting the boundaries of care is an exercise that serves not only to enhance the inherent moral qualities of the firm, but also to offer logics and a mechanism for evaluating the substance and health of its stakeholder management. To support this moral inquiry, we focus our attention on four founding organizational attributes that are especially promising in order to provoke a meaningful conceptualization of caring in nonprofit and third sector organizations that could simultaneously enhance both the effectiveness and the moral quality of public service providers. We refer specifically to the following attributes: (1) the embeddedness in third sector environments; (2) social purpose; (3) social ownership; and (4) stakeholder engagement. In these environments different mixes of solidarity and civic virtues, public regulation, competition, and several social expressions converge for the planning of social and community-based services (Evers, 2004). This may well convey the impression of institutional environments in which the identification and pursuit of the collective interest are shaped by collaboration and mutual trust among societal participants. Social purpose Addressing care morality to a social purpose, instead, may lead many conceptual and practical challenges subsequent to the underlying uncertainty about the social quality, or nature, of such a purpose. The heterogeneity of organizational forms underlying European third sector environments opens up almost unlimited approaches for the identification of social purposes. In our opinion, discussing social enterprise ­ or, more generally, non-profit and third sector organizations ­ without acknowledging the possibility of fundamentally divergent social objectives makes little or no sense. Sociality can be meant both in subjective (related to organizational ends and purposes) and objective (related to selected fields of action) terms. Organizations delivering human services, such as health and social care, education, housing, or other services to the community, clearly reflect an intrinsic commitment to a socially responsible behavior in both subjective and objective terms. Further, this orientation to sociality can range from mutuality to pure solidarity (or altruism), though it often finds expression in a combination of these two principles of action. Addressing care morality to the social purpose, therefore, seems to reach the heart of the debate about the moral foundations of social responsibility in non-profit and third sector organizations. Social ownership Social ownership is one of the most distinguishing attributes conveying caring traits to non-profit and third sector organizations. This can be defined as a private form of collective ownership by stakeholder members or basic constituencies that basically control the organizations in order to prevent or limit the exploitation of financial surpluses and corporate assets (Pearce, 2003), or, more generally, the pursuance of divergent purposes. Many types of social ownership have an open, voluntary and formally democratic structure that is regulated to ensure co-operative advantages among the member constituents. Bratman (1992) identifies the principle of mutuality based on tripartite aspects of mutual responsiveness, commitment to the joint activity, and mutual support for the common action. Such organizations, by their very nature, have a participatory and highly decentralized decision-making process, facilitating internal communication, openness to dialogue and consensus building among member constituents, managers and staff. Stakeholder engagement One of the major tasks of the stakeholder approach is not just to simply identify who matters or who should be considered a stakeholder, but, instead, to seek boundary constraints that can clearly define who might not be considered a stakeholder at all (Mitchell, Agle and Wood, 1997). This mixed attitude towards stakeholders can be easily observed as inherent in many such organizational forms, mainly voluntary organizations and social enterprises, which provide local public services (such as human services). With regards to the latter, two main definitions can be found in the specialized literature. Such a form of stakeholder representation is typical of nonprofits and charities, that is, of organizations where staff, volunteers, donors, and other key stakeholders are formally represented as a board of advisors or constituency stakeholders. The suggested process of setting the boundaries of care, therefore, would also require attention drawn to those interpersonal and fiduciary attributes affecting stakeholder relationships that enable us to reinforce a vision of non-profit and third sector organizations as abler to care for the others in the full, reciprocal sense. The specialized European literature on third sector organizations as providers of local public services and, more specifically, of human and welfare services, offers quite a bit of evidence on user benefits and improvements resulting from the involvement of key stakeholders in the service coproduction. These are mainly pursued by sustaining user dialogues, further suggesting that users have a more effective voice when commitment to service change is critical, and when it relies mainly on customization and user attitudes (Pestoff, 1998, 2006, 2012; Fazzi, 2012; Verscheure, Brandsen and Pestoff, 2012). Finally, caring virtues and attitudes would seem to be fully appreciated when focusing on the social networking that such organizations are able to establish and nurture with local citizens and the civil society. This informal networking is essential for bridging relational capital and other voluntary resources at the grassroots to sustain the service delivery. Likewise, it is often considered a key resource to enabling efforts aimed to democratize local welfare systems by enhancing citizen participation in the co-planning of social services (Verscheure, Brandsen and Pestoff, 2012). To care for others in a fully reciprocal sense and to be concerned for all the relevant interests at stake ­ at least to the extent that they do not harm their stakeholders ­ seems as obvious and tacitly accepted when reflecting on the moral legitimacy of stakeholders and the responsibility principle in non-profit and third sector environments.

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For the sense of self-transcendence while involved in rock climbing see Robinson (1969); while involved in chess, see Steiner (1974). The danger of losing self as a result of "transcendent" experience has been extensively written about. One of the earliest treatments of this possibility is by Le Bon (1895 [1960]), whose work influenced that of McDougall (1920) and Freud (1921). Some recent studies dealing with the relationship of selfawareness and behavior are by Diener (1979), Wicklund (1979), and Scheier & Carver (1980). In terms of our model of complexity a deindividuated person who loses his or her self in a group is integrated, but not differentiated. Such a person yields the control of consciousness to the group, and may easily engage in dangerous behavior. To benefit from transcendence one must also have a strongly differentiated, or individuated self. Describing the dialectical relationship between the I, or the active part of the self, and the me, or the reflected self-concept, was the very influential contribution of George Herbert Mead (1934 [1970]). Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi / 255 the essential connection between something like happiness, enjoyment, and even virtue, on the one hand, and intrinsic or autotelic rewards on the other has been generally recognized by thinkers in a variety of cultural traditions. The generalizations about people being dissatisfied with work and with leisure time are based on our studies with the Experience Sampling Method. The conclusions are based on the momentary responses adult workers wrote down whenever they were paged at random times on their jobs. When workers respond to large-scale surveys, however, they often tend to give much more favorable global responses. A compilation of 15 studies of job satisfaction carried out between 1972 and 1978 concluded that 3 percent of U. A more recent national survey conducted by Robert Half International and reported in the Chicago Tribune (Oct. Our methods of measuring satisfaction may be too stringent, whereas the survey methods are likely to give results that are too optimistic. It should be easy to find out whether a group of people are "satisfied" or "dissatisfied" with work. In reality, because satisfaction is such a relative concept, it is very difficult to give an objective answer to this simple question. It is rather like whether one should say "half full" or "half empty" when asked to describe a glass with water halfway up (or down) the container. The counterintuitive finding that people tend to rate work as more satisfying than leisure has been noticed by several investigators. For example, Veroff, Douvan, & Kulka (1981) report that 49 percent of employed men claim work is more satisfying for them than leisure, whereas only 19 percent say that leisure is more satisfying than work. The dangers of addiction to flow have been dealt with in more detail by Csikszentmihalyi (1985b). A description of how juvenile delinquency can provide flow experiences is given in Csikszentmihalyi & Larson (1978). An excellent example of how a ritual disguise can help one to step out of ordinary experience is given by Monti (1969, pp. It is a desire to break out of the human constriction of individuals shaped in a specific and immutable mould and closed in a birth-death cycle which leaves no possibility of consciously chosen existential adventures" (italics added). When asked to rank 16 very different activities as being more or less similar to flow, the groups of highly skilled rock climbers, composers of music, chess players, and so on studied by Csikszentmihalyi (1975, p. The issue of how flow experiences lead to growth of the self are discussed in Deci & Ryan (1985) and Csikszentmihalyi (1982b, 1985a). Anne Wells (1988) has shown that women who spend more time in flow have a more positive self-concept. The anthropologist Victor Turner (1974) saw the ubiquity of the ritual processes in preliterate societies as an indication that they were socially sanctioned opportunities to experience flow. Religious rituals in general are usually conducive to the flow experience (see Carrington 1977; Csikszentmihalyi 1987; I.