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About six people enter the apartment wearing soft shoes; they move aside a bookcase, for example, cut a square opening in the wallpaper, drill a hole in the wall, place the bug inside, and glue the wallpaper back. The artist on the team airbrushes the spot so carefully that one cannot notice any tampering. Given such elaborate preparations, the secret police had to discriminate and go only for well-known high-priority targets. Even the toughest security officers- like the protagonist of the German film-had their soft spots and often developed feelings of empathy for those under surveillance, sometimes going so far as to tip them off about upcoming searches and arrests. The shift of communications into the digital realm solves many of the problems that plagued surveillance in the analog age. Digital surveillance is much cheaper: Storage space is infinite, equipment retails for next to nothing, and digital technology allows doing more with less. While seasoned dissidents knew they constantly had to search their own apartments looking for the bug or, failing that, at least tighten their lips, knowing that the secret police was listening, this is rarely an option with digital surveillance. To its credit, a few weeks after Google discovered that someone was trying to break into the email accounts of Chinese human rights dissidents, it began alerting users if someone else was also accessing their account from a different computer at that time. More important, the Internet has helped to tame the human factor, as partial exposure, based on snippets and keywords of highlighted text, makes it less likely for police officers to develop strong emotional bonding with their subjects. The larger-than-life personalities of fearless dissidents that melted the icy heart of the Stasi officer in the Lives of Others are barely visible to the Internet police, who see the subjects of surveillance reduced to one-dimensional, boring database entries. The old means of doing surveillance usually began with a target and only then searched for the crimes one could ascribe to it. Today, the situation is the reverse: Crimes-antigovernment slogans or suspicious connections to the West-are detected first, and their perpetrators are located later. That technology helps to eliminate the indecision and frailty (and, more often than not, common sense and humanity) associated with human decision makers was not lost on the Nazis. The totalitarian system in the period of modern technical development can dispense with them; the means of communication alone make it possible to mechanize the subordinate leadership. Tremendous cost savings introduced by digital surveillance technologies have also made it possible to shift surveillance personnel to more burning tasks. Most probably they were shifted to perform more analytical tasks, connecting the dots between hundreds of digital snippets gathered by automated computer systems. This explains why the Chinese government keeps installing video cameras in its most troubling cities. Such revolution in video surveillance did not happen without some involvement from Western partners. Researchers at the University of California at Los Angeles, funded in part by the Chinese government, have managed to build surveillance software that can automatically annotate and comment on what it sees, generating text files that can later be searched by humans, obviating the need to watch hours of video footage in search of one particular frame. But as the maddening pace of innovation in data analysis expands the range of what is possible, surveillance is poised to become more sophisticated as well, taking on many new features that only seemed like science fiction in the not-so-distant past. Digital surveillance is poised to get a significant boost as techniques of face-recognition improve and enter the consumer market. By early 2010, the company boasted of scanning 9 billion pictures and identifying 52 million individuals. For why should the Iranian government embark on expensive investigations if they can get their computers to match the photos taken during the protests-many of them by the very activists appearing on them-with more casual photos uploaded on social networking profiles by the same activists? That said, governments and law-enforcement agencies had been using facerecognition technologies for a while before they became a commercially viable business. What is most likely to happen in the case of Iran is that widely accessible face-recognition technologies will empower various solo agents, socially and politically conservative cyber-vigilantes who do not work for the government but would like to help its cause. Just as hordes of loyal Thais surf the Web in search of websites criticizing the monarchy or hordes of pro-government Chinese are on the lookout for highly sensitive blog posts, hordes of hard-line Iranians will be checking photos from the antigovernment protests against those in massive commercial photo banks, populated by photos and names harvested from social networking sites, that are sure to pop up, not always legally, once face-recognition technology goes fully mainstream. Search engines capable of finding photos that contain a given face anywhere on the Internet are not far on the horizon either. An antigovernment chant recorded from the streets of Tehran may soon be broken down into individual voices, which in turn can then be compared to a universe of all possible voices that exist on amateur videos posted on YouTube.

Some variables, especially intersubject variability, have large effects but are not easily measured. Consequently, it is often not practicable to make highly accurate predictions of the discomfort, interference with activities, or health effects for an individual. However, the average effect, or the probability of an effect, can be predicted for groups of people. This chapter introduces human responses to oscillatory motion, summarizes current methods of evaluating exposures to oscillatory motion, and identifies some methods of minimizing unwanted effects of vibration. When observing vibration, it is sometimes possible to estimate the displacement caused by the motion. For a sinusoidal motion, the acceleration a can be calculated from the frequency f in hertz and the displacement d: a = (2 f)2 d For example, a sinusoidal motion with a frequency of 1 Hz and a peak-to-peak displacement of 0. Although this expression can be used to convert acceleration measurements to corresponding displacements, it is only accurate when the motion occurs at a single frequency. Logarithmic scales for quantifying vibration magnitudes in decibels are sometimes used. With this reference, an acceleration of 1 m s-2 corresponds to 120 dB, and an acceleration of 10 m s-2 corresponds to 140 dB. The frequency of vibration influences the extent to which vibration is transmitted to the surface of the body. This change in velocity means that the object is constantly accelerating, first in one direction and then in the opposite direction. Figure 1 shows the displacement waveform, the velocity waveform, and acceleration waveform for a movement occurring at a single frequency. The magnitude of a vibration can be quantified by its displacement, its velocity, or its acceleration. For practical convenience, the magnitude of vibration is now usually expressed in terms of the acceleration and measured using accelerometers. The magnitude of an oscillation can be expressed as the difference between the maximum and minimum values of the motion. Most often, magnitudes of vibration are expressed in terms of an average measure of the oscillatory motion, usually the root-mean-square (r. Vibration is often measured at the interfaces between the body and the vibrating surfaces in three orthogonal directions. Figure 2 shows a coordinate system used when measuring vibration of a hand holding a tool. The three principal directions of whole-body vibration for seated and standing persons are x axis (fore-andaft), y axis (lateral), and z axis (vertical). The vibration is measured at the interface between the body and the surface supporting the body. Figure 3 illustrates the translational and rotational axes for an origin at the ischial tuberosities on a seat and the translational axes at a backrest and the feet of a seated person. Additionally, the duration of measurement may affect the measured magnitude of the vibration. The comments of persons exposed to vibration mostly derive from the sensations produced by vibration rather than certain knowledge that the vibration is causing harm or reducing their performance. Vibration of the whole body is produced by various types of industrial machinery and by all forms of transport (including road, off-road, rail, sea, and air transport). For very low magnitude motions it is possible to estimate the percentage of persons who will be able to feel vibration and the percentage who will not be able to feel the vibration. For higher vibration magnitudes, an approximate indication of the extent of subjective reactions is available in a semantic scale of discomfort. Limits appropriate to the prevention of vibration discomfort vary between different environments. The precise values depend on vibration frequency and the exposure duration and they are different for other axes of vibration (Morioka and Griffin, 2006a,b). A doubling of vibration magnitude (expressed in m s-2) produces, very approximately, a doubling of the sensation of discomfort; the precise increase depends on the frequency and direction of vibration.

It is for this reason that determinism-whether of the social variety, positing the end of history, or of the political variety, positing the end of authoritarianism-is an intellectually impoverished, lazy way to study the past, understand the present, and predict the future. Bryan Pfaffenberger, an anthropologist at the University of Virginia, believes that the reason why so many of us fall for deterministic scenarios is because it presents the easiest way out. If radio, television, or the Internet are poised to usher in a new age of democracy and universal human rights, there is little role for us humans to play. However, to argue that a once-widespread practice like lobotomy was simply a result of inevitable technological forces is to let its advocates off the hook. Technological determinism thus obscures the roles and responsibilities of human decision makers, either absolving them of well-deserved blame or minimizing the role of their significant interventions. As Arthur Welzer, a political scientist at Michigan State University, points out, "to the extent that we view ourselves as helpless pawns of an overarching and immovable force, we may renounce the moral and political responsibility that, in fact, is crucial for the good exercise of what power over technology we do possess. Should Google be required to encrypt all documents uploaded to its Google Docs service? Throughout history, new technologies have almost always empowered and disempowered particular political and social groups, sometimes simultaneously-a fact that is too easy to forget under the sway of technological determinism. Needless to say, such ethical amnesia is rarely in the interests of the disempowered. Abbe Mowshowitz, professor of computer science at the City College of New York, compares the computer to a seed and concrete historical circumstances to the ground in which the seed is to be planted: "The right combination of seed, ground and cultivation is required to promote the growth of desirable plants and to eliminate weeds. Unfortunately, the seeds of computer applications are contaminated with those of weeds; the ground is often ill-prepared; and our methods of cultivation are highly imperfect. Back in 1974, Raymond Williams, the British cultural critic, was already warning us that technological determinism inevitably produces a certain social and cultural determinism that "ratifies the society and culture we now have, and especially its most powerful internal directions. And with the end of historical thinking, the questions of justice lose much of their significance as well. It was primarily a protest about labor issues, which was successfully linked to a broader anti-Mubarak constitutional reform campaign. Once, for various reasons, the labor component to the protests fizzled, other attempts at a Facebook revolution-the one with consequences in the physical world-failed to resonate, even though they attracted hundreds of thousands of supporters online. As was to be expected, most reports in the Western media focused on Facebook rather than on labor issues or demands on Mubarak to end the emergency rule imposed on Egypt since 1981. This is yet another powerful reminder that by focusing on technologies, as opposed to the social and political forces that surround them, one may be drawn to wrong conclusions. As long as such protests continue to be seen predominantly through the lens of the technology through which they were organized-rather than, say, through the demands and motivation of the protesters-little good will come of Western policies, no matter how well-intentioned. What is, therefore, most dangerous about succumbing to technological determinism is that it hinders our awareness of the social and the political, presenting it as the technological instead. Technology as a Kantian category of understanding the world may simply be too expansionist and monopolistic, subsuming anything that has not yet been properly understood and categorized, regardless of whether its roots and nature are technological. The popularity of the belief that technology is the primary force shaping the postmodern world is a measure of our. Hoping that the Internet may liberate the Egyptians or the Azeris from authoritarian oppression is no good excuse to continue covertly supporting the very sources of that oppression. Is it just because there is little clarity as to what Internet freedom means and does? Such confusion in the ranks of policymakers is only poised to increase, since they are formulating policies around a highly ambiguous concept. Leo Marx suggests that the way to address the hazards of the concept of technology is to rethink whether it is still worth putting it at the center of any intellectual inquiry, let alone a theory of action. The more we learn about technology, the less it makes sense to focus on it alone, in isolation from other factors. As far as the Internet is concerned, scholarship has so far moved in the opposite direction. Academic centers dedicated to the study of the Internet-the intellectual bulwarks of Internet-centrism-keep proliferating on university campuses and, in the process, contribute to its further reification and decontextualization. Why Technologies Are Never Neutral If technological determinism is dangerous, so is its opposite: a bland refusal to see that certain technologies, by their very constitution, are more likely to produce certain social and political outcomes than other technologies, once embedded into enabling social environments.

He was a pioneer in proposing worker involvement in the analysis and (re)design of work and in defining job satisfaction as a central outcome for work systems. Lewin laid the seeds for the concept of interactive systems and highlighted the need for strategies to reduce resistance to change in organizations. Lewin could rightly be named as a precursor of the study of psychosocial factors in the workplace. Lewin understood that workers could "learn how to learn" and had a genuine interest in improving working conditions and, by consequence, human­systems interactions. He saw work improvement not simply as a matter of shortening the workday but as one of increasing the human value of work (Weisbord, 2004). Introduction of general systems theory by Bertalanffy (1950, 1968) and its subsequent application to several branches of science had profound implications for ergonomics theory and practice. The seminal work by researchers at the Tavistock Institute (Emery and Trist, 1960; Trist, 1981) and establishment of sociotechnical systems theory, especially, made clear the importance of the social context in work systems optimization. The proponents of sociotechnical systems considered the consequences of organizational choices on technical, social, and environmental aspects. They saw Taylorism as creating an imbalance between the social and technical components of the work system and leading to diminishing returns on technical investments. Sociotechnical researchers advocated the reversal of what they saw as extreme job specialization, which often led to underutilized work crews and equipment and to high economic and social costs. They argued for organizational structures based on flexible, multiskilled workers. According to sociotechnical principles, high performance of the technical component at the expense of the social component would lead to dehumanization of work, possibly to a situation where some segments of society would enjoy the economic benefits of work and another (larger) portion would bear its costs. The opposite situation, where the social component becomes preponderant, would be equally troubling because it would lead to system output reduction, with negative effects on organizational and national economies. In summary, a total system output decline could be expected in both cases of suboptimization. Sociotechnical systems focused on the choice of technologies suitable to the social and psychological needs of humans. The path to improved integration was pursued, with the maximization of worker well-being as its primary system optimization criteria. An alternative path to the same end was proposed decades later in the macroergonomic approach, which posited the quick and effective adoption of new technology as the crux of organizational survival and the primary optimization criteria (Hendrick, 1991, 1997). The macroergonomic approach urged organizations to implement job and organization designs that increased the chances of successful technology implementation by utilizing its human resources fully. Although providing different rationales, the two propositions had similar visions. A second major contribution was the recognition of fast and unpredictable changes in the environmental contexts themselves. Emery and Trist (1965) describe four different types of causal texture, which refer to different possible dispositions of interconnected events producing conditions that call for very diverse organizational responses. The placid, randomized environment was characterized by relatively stable and randomly distributed rewards and penalties. This implied a strategy that was indistinguishable from tactics, where the entity or organization attempted to do its best in a purely local basis. These organizations survived adaptively and tended to remain small and independent in this environment. This environment justified the adoption of a strategy distinct from tactics and rewarded organizations that anticipated these clusters. Successful organizations in this context tended to expand and to become hierarchical. The disturbed-reactive environment indicated the existence of multiple organizations competing for the same resources and trying to move, in the long term, to the same place in the environment. Finally, turbulent fields were marked by accelerating changes, increasing uncertainty, and unpredictable connections of environmental components (Weisbord, 2004). This circumstance demanded the development of new forms of data collection, problem solving, and planning from the organization. A significant offshoot of the sociotechnical theory was the industrial democracy movement, which had considerable influence in organizational and governmental policies and labor­management relations in several Scandinavian and Western European countries in the 1970s and 1980s.

French physician Philippe Pinel first described moral treatment in his groundbreaking Treatise on the Medical and Philosophical cause of mental Disease and Mania published in 1801. Fusing moral and slave management, Cartwright asserted that: the extension of the cotton and sugar culture, so far from being misfortunes to the slaves, has tended, more than anything else, to ameliorate their condition; because the product of their labor is thereby sufficiently valuable to enable their masters to supply them with all the necessary comforts of life being prompted thereto, if not by humanity, by the motives of interest. From these "motives of interest," just as an asylum patient was to be reinserted into society as a functioning member and returned his or her rights and privileges as citizens, so too should a slave take up his or her position in society as a well-cared for, productive laborer. Cartwright thought it necessary to provide a theoretical framework for what had been only a series of ill-described behaviors called "rascality," but behaviors that were getting in the way of profits. In order to encourage a male-dominated slave force to work harder under increasingly dangerous conditions some plantation Cartwright, "How to Save the Republic," 189 Ibid. The crop has been a large one-the boys have no doubt worked well-and a little money given to them would do good. The black who depended on his master or overseer for permission to visit his wife on another plantation thought twice before committing an Offence which might cost him his precious pass. Cartwright concluded that "The most efficient, and, of course, the most profitable laborers, are those who are the most active, healthy, happy and contented. To be active, healthy, happy and contented, there is a higher law, which says, their griefs shall be inquired into, their troubles removed, and they shall be well fed, lodged and clothed. Motivated by the philosophes of the American and French Revolutions Pinel developed the psychological medicine called moral treatment in order to expand the concept of universal freedom to "lunatics" suffering under poor medical care. In the development and implementation of Moral Therapy alone, with the exception of Benjamin Rush the central figures were mostly European. Information on the insane and how to treat them proved to be both a trans-national and an inter-generational effort. David Rothman claims, "American superintendents frequently crossed the ocean to examine Continental institutions, but their visits were usually unproductive. Its principal figures were Philippe Pinel (French), William Tuke (English Quaker), Vincenzo Chiarugi (Italy), Reil (German) and Benjamin Rush (American). His reports illuminated the unique problems and special opportunities confronting Americans, who were "at once more free to innovate and yet felt more keenly the lack of precedents. After his visit to European asylums Earle discovered that since each structure had a long history of different uses, the new asylums there were "frequently nothing more than a new name carved in an ancient doorway. In France Pinel did not exclude more violent, "heroic" treatments from his moral therapy whereas in England John Conolly rejected the use of all restraint or violent, painful procedures at the Hanwell Lunatic Asylum. Conolly advocated isolation and sedation over restraint at Hanwell from 1839 until 1843 and his recommendations went on to characterize the British system. However American physicians still held out the option to use more violent measures to ensure proper patient behavior. Rush understood criminality to be an essentially medical problem, and for that he advocated a form of moral therapy. Moral Treatment advocated that patients cultivate self-control, good habits, a quiet environment, a strong relationship with the doctor, and engage in activities to increase self-esteem and promote reeducation. But these treatments were rooted in a belief that temporarily disturbed humans attempted to achieve self-mastery and later exercise self-government as active citizens. David Rothman explains that "Medical superintendents, carrying out the logic of a theory of deviancy, administered an ordered routine and hoped to eliminate in a tightly organized and rigid environment the instabilities and tensions causing Ibid. Once one could banish a belief in any connection with Africa, one could transform blacks, alternately into "a Negro," or "Nigger" and, as such, a slave. American physicians and masters alike reserved the right to use restraints and violent force, if necessary, because they felt that only potential punishment rendered ideal behavior. Although the interest of the physician determined the outcome of the moral management being prescribed, there were four fundamental similarities between the themes of plantation and asylum management: 1) the mandate that the recalcitrant or disruptive persons must be separated from their original locations and families and then settled into a neutral, highly-controlled environment. As soon as the first symptom of the disease appeared, the patient had to enter a mental hospital. The "removal" Cartwright enacted in the "tam-tam" cure cited above reflected the most fundamental part of the moral treatment program: that physicians had the need - and the right - to remove troublesome individuals and place them in a distanced, highly regimented environment. Institutionally the mandate for moral management in the early nineteenth century took at least five forms: the factory labor system, the education system,60 the penitentiary, the asylum61 and I argue the plantation. In print both the genre of the "plantation handbook" and discussions of "negro management" took place in medical, penal and industrial journals alike. France boasted the most number of hospitals in Europe; this meant that, whereas in the whole of England there were 3,000 hospital beds in 1801, France had over 6,236 patients in twenty eight hospitals in Paris as well as an additional 14,105 patients housed in public hospice-like accommodations.