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The outcome is increased hostility among ethnic groups, which may only need some trigger to break out into civil war. Conceptual Issues the arguments on civil wars that we have reviewed are of recent origin and reflect ongoing analytical disputes about the proper focus of scholarly attention. If we could capture their motivation in general terms, it should help to delineate where civil wars are most likely to occur. At the same time, people do not usually go to war against their own states unless they think they have some chance of winning. In this respect, the distinction between motivation and opportunity tends to blur. Weak states are often associated with bad governance, corruption, and less-than-successful repression, and rulers of weak states do not rule as much as they attempt to stay in power however they can. Or, is it that many of these weak states can be defeated with hit and run tactics, as long as one has somewhere to run to Even if they are not susceptible to being defeated and overthrown in the near term, the weakness of such regimes makes it possible for armed dissidents to survive for long periods of time on limited resources. Motive and opportunity are obvious concepts to explain why people sometimes take on their own states. If one Civil War 201 thinks that they both need to be present to adequately explain the onset of civil war, the theoretical conundrum is what set of explanatory foci will accomplish this task As we have seen, analysts continue to disagree about what the best set of explanatory factors might be. These theoretical disagreements about causality are compounded by problems encountered in distinguishing between explanations of the onset and duration of civil wars. It is conceivable that some factors are distinctively associated with one or the other but not both, though it is exceedingly difficult to imagine such a variable. Most, if not all, factors that are thought to dispose societies toward civil war are also likely to contribute to the prolongation of those wars. Examples include societal inequality, weak states, and rough terrain, to mention just a few. Some variables affecting both the onset and duration of war may have a greater impact on one than on the other. As we noted earlier, although the presence of lootable resources affects both the onset and duration of war, it probably has a greater impact on the latter. This differential impact would affect the relative causal weights given to such variables in each model, but not the structure of the explanatory models themselves. Thus it might or might not be worth distinguishing between explanations of the onset and duration of war. Explaining civil wars is not, or should not be, an intractable analytical problem. As in the case of interstate wars, it is characterized by disagreements about what matters most in accounting for the outbreak of warfare. It is less than clear that all warfare is sufficiently similar to treat every civil war as if they were similar phenomena. But if we need to make distinctions among types of civil wars, then we also need to make distinctions about the causal factors that lead to insurgency versus those that lead to classical, conventional warfare, or ethnic versus non-ethnic wars. Yet for every analysis that has found the Cold War to be a significant factor in explaining the onset of war, there is another analysis that finds it insignificant. It is also possible that contextual conditions vary over space, and that African civil wars are somehow different than Asian or Latin American civil wars. But if this is the case, it remains to be seen precisely what is it about "Africa" that might differentiate it from "Asia" or "Latin America. The frequency of civil wars peaked in the 1990s and has declined since then but the frequency of interstate wars has declined even more rapidly. Peaks in civil war activity depend on how one counts them (number of new wars in a given period, number of ongoing wars, or various battle death thresholds), whether the series is smoothed by some type of temporal aggregation, and whether one controls for the number of states in the system. Scholars have addressed three other general questions in addition to those about the causes of civil wars. One is why some civil wars are brief and others are protracted (Walter, 2002; Collier, Hoeffler, and Soderbom, 2004; Fearon, 2004; Fortna, 2008).

Nevertheless, she was convicted of drug trafficking and sentenced to death under Malaysian law. After Noor was sentenced, her friends and family began an aggressive online campaign to get exposure and raise money. Because Noor has already served several years, she expects to be reunited with her daughter in 2017. Often these local or national newspapers reported the underlying crime, the investigation and trial. You should investigate prior media coverage about the crime, investigation and trial of your client before developing a strategy for further publicity. One route to favorable media coverage is to educate a reporter by allowing him access to court filings. Many reporters will want to interview your client, but this is a step that is very risky. You must carefully evaluate whether your client is liable to say something that could harm his chances of commutation and/or release. Many criminal defendants are uneducated and can be easily manipulated, so you must control the interview as much as possible. Understand too that once you give a journalist access to your client, you have limited control over the nature of the publicity that follows. Now, such traditional media can be supplemented or bypassed by internet appeals to the public (and indirectly to the government). In conjunction with this, you should contact national and international anti-death penalty groups to see if they can assist in publicizing your case either through the traditional media or through their own website/electronic mailing list. Social media may be particularly useful to generate pressure on the executive who will decide whether to grant or deny clemency. Finally, social media can be an effective tool to network with other capital defense counsel and human rights advocates. This is particularly true for advocates practicing in rural areas, where access to relevant statutes, case law, and human rights instruments may be difficult. The judge reportedly refused to hear from witnesses or the defense counsel and Ibrahim was denied the right to appeal. Two years later, Ibrahim managed to access a mobile phone and notify World Coalition member Amnesty International of his imminent execution. He has since taken up the study of law, and dedicated his life to "campaigning against the death penalty and raising awareness about human rights. This will help you determine what arguments to make, as well as which international body to appeal to . You should refer to Chapter 9, above, for a list of the most common international legal arguments relating to the application of the death penalty. You can begin with the list of rights contained in the Appendix and discussed throughout this manual. You can quickly ascertain whether your country is a party to a particular treaty by checking the website of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, or other internet resources such as Over the last few decades, it has become increasingly common for human rights bodies to review complaints of human rights violations in criminal cases. There are several situations in which you should consider the potential benefits of appealing to an international body. International appeals are often made when lawyers feel they have no recourse in domestic courts. In fact, most international bodies require petitioners to exhaust domestic remedies before they seek review at the international level. What this means, in practice, is that you will typically not file a case with an international body before you have sought a remedy in domestic courts, or with relevant local administrative bodies. International appeals may be made for individual clients based on the legal issues presented in their cases, or they may be filed on behalf of multiple individuals who share a common plight. We address this in more detail below, where we describe the appeal procedures for the human rights organizations that consider petitions from individuals. Identify the procedural rules governing the submission of petitions by checking the website of the international body that enforces the particular instrument. The websites of many international human rights bodies offer free access to their cases and the text of relevant instruments. Many law school clinics are eager for opportunities to assist local advocates with litigation before human rights bodies.

These "motivated biases" are most likely to manifest themselves in decisions involving high stakes and important value tradeoffs. The stress inherent in these decisions often leads decision-makers to deny those threats and to deny the need to make tradeoffs between values (Holsti and George, 1975). Much of the literature suggests that political leaders have a bias toward the overestimation of external threats, which increases the likelihood of conflict spirals and escalating conflict. As we noted earlier, this can leave decision-makers insensitive to signals of an impending military attack. There is also some evidence that different conditions can trigger different psychological processes, so that some conditions are conducive to overconfidence while other conditions are conducive to underconfidence. Some hypothesize that when events are uncertain and when conflict is still avoidable, people have a tendency to adopt a more deliberative mindset and carefully weigh costs and benefits. When conflict is perceived as inevitable and imminent, however, people have a tendency to switch to a different mindset, one that triggers several psychological biases that increase overconfidence (Johnson and Tierney, 2009; Heckhausen and Gollwitzer, 1987). We begin our discussion of the individual sources of misperception with unmotivated biases, which until recently have received most of the attention in the literature since the "cognitive revolution" in social psychology in the 1970s (Larson, 1985). The main hypothesis is that people have a strong tendency to see what they expect to see based on their prior beliefs. They tend to be more receptive to information that is consistent with their beliefs than to information that contradicts their beliefs. Another way of saying this is that information processing tends to be more theory driven than data driven (Jervis, 1976). One consequence of the selective attention to information is a tendency toward premature cognitive closure. These tendencies lead to the perseverance of beliefs beyond the point that the evidence warrants (George, 1980). These tendencies clearly violate the elements of a rational decision-making process articulated earlier. Israeli intelligence officers and governmental officials developed a set of conceptual guidelines to help them understand when they might anticipate a possible Arab military attack. These guidelines, known as the "Conception," specified that Egypt would not attack unless the Egyptian air force gained control of the air so that it could strike deeply into Israel, and against Israeli airfields in particular. There was substantial Decision-Making: the Individual Level 143 evidence of Egyptian military activity in the period leading up to the war, but Israeli intelligence discounted this information and interpreted Egyptian activity as routine military maneuvers, in part because Israeli intelligence did not believe that Egypt had the capability for a major military crossing of the Suez Canal. A standard interpretation of the Israeli intelligence failure is that the cognitive mindset formed by the "Conception" played a substantial role in shaping the perception of new information in a way that fit those preexisting beliefs, limiting Israeli intelligence analysts from thinking "outside the box" (Agranat Commission, 1974; Shlaim, 1976). Analysts make a similar argument with regard to the American intelligence failure surrounding September 11. Although analysts attribute the failure to anticipate the 9/11 terrorist attacks to a wide range of factors, including institutional factors such as poor coordination between different intelligence agencies, many analysts argue that it was first and foremost a conceptual failure, one that derived from the intellectually constricting effects of existing mindsets. In the words of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (2004), "The most important failure was one of imagination. A good example is the dual belief that the adversary is fundamentally hostile yet at the same time responsive to external threats and opportunities. This can lead decision-makers to misinterpret conciliatory behavior by the adversary and consequently to miss good opportunities for conflict resolution (Tetlock, 1998). One explanation for the tendency to perceive apparently hostile actions by the adversary as reflecting its underlying hostile intentions is provided by the fundamental attribution theorem, a theory in social psychology that has received substantial support from the experimental evidence (Nisbett and Ross, 1980). One implication is that actors tend to underestimate the effects of the security dilemma. This leads to mutually reinforcing negative feedback and often to an escalating conflict spiral. A state may take an uncompromising position in order to pacify a domestic constituency, but its adversary tends to infer that the behavior reflects hostile intentions. This exaggeration of the hostility of adversary intentions can also contribute to a conflict spiral.

The Diencephalon ("Interbrain") the diencephalon is the region of the embryonic vertebrate neural tube that gives rise to posterior forebrain structures. In adults, the diencephalon appears at the upper end of the brain stem, situated between the cerebrum and the brain stem. It is home to the limbic system, which is considered the seat of emotion in the human brain. The diencephalon is made up of four distinct components: the thalamus, the subthalamus, the hypothalamus, and the epithalamus. Because nearly all sensory information passes through the thalamus it is considered the sensory "way station" of the brain, passing information on to the cerebral cortex (which is in the forebrain). Lesions of, or stimulation to , the thalamus are associated with changes in emotional reactivity. However, the importance of this structure on the regulation of emotional behavior is not due to the activity of the thalamus itself, but to the connections between the thalamus and other limbic-system structures. Lesions of the hypothalamus interfere with motivated behaviors like sexuality, combativeness, and hunger. The hypothalamus also plays a role in emotion: parts of the hypothalamus seem to be involved in pleasure and rage, while the central part is linked to aversion, displeasure, and a tendency towards uncontrollable and loud laughing. When external stimuli are presented (for example, a dangerous stimuli), the hypothalamus sends signals to other limbic areas to trigger feeling states in response to the stimuli (in this case, fear). The Spinal Cord the spinal cord is a tail-like structure embedded in the vertebral canal of the spine. The spinal cord is attached to the underside of the medulla oblongata, and is organized to serve four distinct tasks: 1. Lobes: Cerebral Hemispheres and Lobes of the Brain the brain is divided into two hemispheres and four lobes, each of which specializes in a different function. The temporal lobe is associated with the retention of short- and and long-term memories. It processes sensory input, including auditory information, language comprehension, and naming. There is evidence that each brain hemisphere has its own distinct functions, a phenomenon referred to as lateralization. The left hemisphere appears to dominate the functions of speech, language processing and comprehension, and logical reasoning, while the right is more dominant in spatial tasks like vision-independent object recognition (such as identifying an object by touch or another nonvisual sense). However, it is easy to exaggerate the differences between the functions of the left and right hemispheres; both hemispheres are involved with most processes. Additionally, neuroplasticity (the ability of a brain to adapt to experience) enables the brain to compensate for damage to one hemisphere by taking on extra functions in the other half, especially in young brains. Corpus Callosum the two hemispheres communicate with one another through the corpus callosum. The corpus callosum is a wide, flat bundle of neural fibers beneath the cortex that connects the left and right cerebral hemispheres and facilitates interhemispheric communication. The corpus callosum is sometimes implicated in the cause of seizures; patients with epilepsy sometimes undergo a corpus callostomy, or the removal of the corpus callosum. Clockwise from left: the frontal lobe is in blue, the parietal lobe in yellow, the occipital lobe in red, and the temporal lobe in green. The Frontal Lobe the frontal lobe is associated with executive functions and motor performance. Executive functions are some of the highest-order cognitive processes that humans have. The frontal lobe is considered to be the moral center of the brain because it is responsible for advanced decision-making processes. The Temporal Lobe the temporal lobe is associated with the retention of short- and long-term memories.