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At the end of this, the water supply scheme is then handed back to the local Water Services Authority. Somewhat depressingly, many of the projects have proved unsustainable and many communities have been left with defunct water infrastructure and an enforced return to alternative (and often dangerously polluted) water sources. In other cases, charges to rural residents have been set at an incomprehensibly high level. With prepayment systems being favoured on many projects, large numbers of households have found themselves simply unable to afford to pay for the new water supplies (Hemson 2003; Bond 2002; Thompson 2003). For much of the 1990s, the rural water sector became a sphere in which many new companies cut their teeth in trying to make money out of the rural poor. Umgeni Water, though not a private company, was one of those able to cash in on the small boom in government funds, which, at the time, were being soaked up by new entrepreneurs. Between 1996 and 2002, the organization was able to claim R104 million from the government in order to implement rural projects in five district municipalities in KwaZulu Natal (Umgeni Water 2002:15). By June 2002, it was supplying water to over 27,000 metered households in the province. This was after the "hand over" of a further 15,000 customers back to eThekwini municipality (Umgeni Water 2002). In 1997, Umgeni Water Services, a commercial subsidiary was established under the new freedoms opened up in the 1997 Water Services Act. On the surface, however, any commercial activities undertaken by the organization are supposed to be "ring-fenced" within the subsidiary. Several of their projects were also criticized for being over-engineered with little chance of ever being able to recover the costs laid out in them. The enormously costly Vulindlela water project located outside Pietermaritzburg is a case in point (Hemson, personal communication). In some ways, this criticism might be considered unfair-surely rural residents are entitled to the same level of service as urban dwellers? However, when one considers that an individual network connection can cost as much as R80,000 under Umgeni Water and as little as R5,000 under eThekwini Water Services (Bailey, personal interview, 5 November 2002), the apparent inefficiencies in such projects become all the more stark. As I discuss later in this chapter, the handover of these inefficient projects back to local municipalities has generated a whole new set of tensions. Desperate to see such projects running more efficiently, the entity became eager to ensure that residents were billed for the true running costs of individual schemes. Again, to a limited extent there was not necessarily anything particularly new in this. From the mid 1980s, as a water services provider in parts of KwaZulu, Umgeni Water had made steps to ensure that water would be provided for residents of informal settlements through a "kiosk system". Later, however, in 2002, such attempts to ensure payment for all costs began to reach new, far crueller heights. Thus, when Umgeni Water learnt of the vandalism of water meters in Ntembeni, a settlement in Inadi (on the outskirts of Pietermaritzburg), managers within the organization presumed certain households were trying to subvert the payment system. Whether anyone in the community was responsible for the destruction or not, the entire settlement had its water supply disconnected. With the community lacking a clean water supply for a month, the South African Human Rights Commission initiated court proceedings against Umgeni Water (Mkhulise 2002). In the nature of cities 174 Such aggressive measures to ensure full cost-recovery are often seen as a clear manifestation of a strategy of accumulation by dispossession (Harvey 2003; see also McDonald and Ruiters 2004). In the case of Ntembeni, we see the messy way in which such a process has developed. Thus, with the state opening up new opportunities for water boards to be able to bid for rural water contracts, Umgeni Water was able to provide water services to rural communities previously lacking any clean drinking water. This is a clear step forward for such communities and it would seem to matter little if this water is provided by a local municipality, a private company or a commercialized water board as long as people do retain access. In failing to make a return on its investments, however, Umgeni Water then embarked on a more overt strategy of dispossessing a community of a vital resource on which it depends but for which some are unable to pay. Thus, we do not see a dramatic transfer of the means of existence in the manner in which the Highland clearances of the nineteenth century took place (Marx 1976: ch.

For them, materiality refers to feeling and affect ­ or what they refer to as visceral knowledge ­ and relational ontologies and non-representational theory are their favored approaches to conceptualize matter. In the name of a critical political ecology as outlined above, we argue that engagements with the materiality of the body must go beyond the phenomenological to incorporate also the biological and biochemical. Contending with environmentally produced bodily difference in particular requires attending to changes both within the body itself as well as to the ecologies of bodies as they tangibly interact with environments (Guthman, 2005; Guthman, 2008). Nonrepresentational theory, including attention to affect, alone is inadequate to this task; many of these biological processes are not experienced directly by the individual and so must necessarily be represented in biological science ­ with utmost cognizance that translations of biological science are inherently socially mediated and, hence, representational, as Emily Martin (1991) has shown. We further argue that a political ecology of disparity requires querying how particular bodily differences become consequential, to whom, and with what effects. When we fail to attend to the biological dimensions of bodily materiality, we effectively leave it to biomedical experts (and their apolitical explanations) to determine what constitutes a problem. Political ecologies of health and environmental justice Within the broad tradition of political ecology and closely related cognate fields, such as environmental justice, a number of established approaches already undertake what might be considered a political ecology of the body. Work on the political ecology of health and disease, for example, has tended to emphasize the political economic contexts in which illnesses and diseases are made more virulent; while research on environmental justice has tended to assess the disproportional impacts of toxic environments on certain population groups. Scholarship on the political ecology of health and disease seeks to understand how socionatural ecologies and access to resources affect incidence, prevalence, and distribution of human health and disease. As with political ecology writ large, much of the work that comes under political ecology of health has focused on developing world environments and/or contagious or pathogenic disease (Collins, 2001; Craddock, 2000b; Hughes and Hunter, 1970; Kalipeni and Oppong, 1998; King, 2010; King and Crews, 2012; Mayer, 1996; Mkandawire et al. That is in part because much of this scholarship has its roots in disease ecology, which treats people and disease as part of complex ecosystems, and treats diseases as contagious ones. As noted by Mayer (1996), disease ecology is an older field that was written without the benefit of the frameworks that political ecology inherited from cultural ecology, such as the attention to power and chains of explanation. In keeping with earlier political ecology, the focus tended to be tropical environments and diseases, and the narrative was characteristically one of disruption. More recently, political ecology of health has become more wide-ranging in its ambit, particularly taking up questions of the social etiologies of noninfectious illness ­ and even indoor environments (Day Biehler and Simon, 2011; Hanchette, 2008; Harper, 2004; Richmond et al. Still, the basic framework is one in which human actions, and especially larger-scale political economic processes, change ecological processes in ways that create new health problems. Much of this work is richly empirical, and it has certainly expanded understandings of health and disease as more than biomedical. However, in coming to terms with environmentally induced human difference it falls short in several ways. For one, the actual ecologies of concern 560 Nature, difference, and the body are external to the body. Nature is addressed primarily at the landscape or, in the case of indoor environments, building scale, and there is little attention to the nature of the human body, which remains largely black-boxed (Guthman, 2012). Moreover, the ill health of the body is usually measured and assessed through traditional biomedical models ­ which, crucially, tend to use normative framings. Contending with difference requires understanding of the impact of ecological change on actual functionality ­ and thus awareness of how typical measures of this functionality. In addition, the typical narrative follows in the footsteps of classic political ecology in its declensionist tale of human meddling in the natural environment causing poor health effects, and in that way implicitly assumes a perfect state away from which societies have veered. In political ecology writ large, such declensionist narratives have given way to new renderings in which human-changed nature is not necessarily damaged nature (Fairhead and Leach, 1995). This is certainly the lesson of emerging scholarship on parasites and bacteria; even as exposure to these biological agents is shaped by political processes and can reflect socioeconomic marginalization, new research suggests that these exposures can contribute to health and well-being rather than simply reflect a form of neglect and damage (Clough, 2011; Hanski et al. This sort of work is generating altogether new conceptions of disease and health that also happen to reject clear boundaries between humans and their biotic environments. Turning to environmental justice scholarship, it pays close attention to how illnesses affect certain groups disproportionately, especially as related to the spatiality of exposure; the field as we describe it here also tends to have a North American focus and the environments in question are largely urban and/or industrial. In its attention to the relationship between structural inequality and health outcomes, it shares some of the concerns of political ecology of health and disease ­ yet it also differs in important ways, even beyond geographical emphasis. Unlike political ecology, where the focus is on contagion, the focus in environmental justice is on exposure to environmental contaminants. Accordingly, the diseases in question are not communicable ones but rather chronic debilitating ones from asthma to breast cancer to various syndromes (Brown, 2007). As such, they tend to be what Brown calls "contested diseases": conditions and diseases that are either not recognized as illnesses or are medicalized in such a way that lifestyle factors.

One advantage of this method is that the mass of particles is recorded continuously. Both methods are appropriate when the particle size is generally larger than 5 mm. In case particles smaller than 5 mm are to be evaluated, a centrifugal method is often employed to speed up the data collection by overcoming the eects of convection and diusion. The method involves a photosedimentation device in which the light transmittance is measured through a cell lled with a dispersion of interest. An ultracentrifuge can also be used in such cases in order to increase the sedimentation rate of colloidal particles. Sieve Analysis Sieve analysis, based on either vibratory or suction principle, uses a series of standard sieves calibrated by the National Bureau of Standards. The method is generally used for screening coarse particles down to a material as ne as 44 mm (No. Sieves produced by photoetching and electroforming techniques are now available with apertures from 90 down to 5 mm. First, the selected number and size of sieves are stacked upon one another, with the largest openings (inversely related to mesh per inch) being at the top of the stack, and beneath that a pan to collect the particles ner than the smallest sieve. The known amount of powder to be analyzed is then placed on the top sieve and the set is vibrated in a mechanical device for a predetermined time period. The results are obtained by weighing the amount of material retained on each sieve and on the collecting pan. The suction method uses one sieve at a time and examines the amount retained on the screen. In both methods the data are expressed as frequency or cumulative frequency plots, respectively. Sieving errors can arise from a number of variables, including sieve loading and duration and intensity of agitation [203]. Sieving can also cause attrition and, Coulter Counter and Electrical Sensing Devices Counters, such as the Coulter Counter, determine the number of particles in a known volume of an electrolyte solution. The device employs the electrolyte displacement method and measures the equivalent spherical volume diameter, dv. This type of equipment is used primarily to obtain the particle size distribution of the sample. It measures the change in an electrical sensing zone that occurs when a particle passes through an orice positioned between two electrodes. The dispersion is drawn through a small orice that has an electrode on either side. The disperse particles interfere with the current Їow, causing the resistance to change. The resistance changes are related to the particle volumes and, when amplied as voltage pulses, may be counted. The instrument is capable of counting particles at a rate of approximately 4000 per second, and so both gross counts and particle size distributions are obtained in a relatively short period of time. Electronic pulse counters are also useful in studying Copyright © 2002 Marcel Dekker, Inc. Coulter Electronics also manufactures a submicrometer particle sizing instrument, the Coulter Model N4, for analyzing particles in the size range of 0. Determination of Electrical Properties the movement of a charged particle with respect to an adjacent liquid phase is the basic principle underlying four electrokinetic phenomena: electrophoresis, electroosmosis, sedimentation potential, and streaming potential. Electrophoresis involves the movement of a charged particle through a liquid under the inЇuence of an applied potential dierence. A sample is placed in an electrophoresis cell, usually a horizontal tube of circular cross section, tted with two electrodes. When a known potential is applied across the electrodes, the particles migrate to the oppositely charged electrode. The direct current voltage applied needs to be adjusted to obtain a particle velocity that is neither too fast nor too slow to allow for errors in measurement and Brownian motion, respectively. It is also important that the measurement is taken reasonably quickly in order to avoid sedimentation in the cell. Prior to each measurement, the apparatus should be calibrated with particles of known zeta potential, such as rabbit erythrocytes.

In doing so they will gain the knowledge needed to be a source of information and provide products to veterinarians and the community they serve. McDonnell, Drake College of Pharmacy, Salsbury Laboratories Research Program, Iowa Pharm. Long, Veterinary Therapeutics in Community Pharmacy Practice, Parts 1 and 2, Community Pharm. Blodinger, Formulation of Drug Dosage Forms for Animals, in Formulation of Veterinary Dosage Forms (J. Larrabee, Formulation of Drugs Given in Feed or Water, in Formulation of Veterinary Dosage Forms (J. Drug Stability Guidelines, Center for Veterinary Medicine, Food and Drug Administration, Fourth Revision, 1990, pp. DeRitter, Animal Health Dosage Forms: Stability Requirements, in Animal Health Products Design and Evaluation (D. Pope, Specialized Dose Dispensing Equipment, in Formulation of Veterinary Dosage Forms (J. Pope, Animal Health Specialized Delivery Systems, in Animal Health Products Design and Evaluation (D. Code of Federal Regulations, 21 Part 514, New Animal Drug Applications, April 1, 2000. Code of Federal Regulations, 21 Part 211, Current Good Manufacturing Practice for Finished Pharmaceuticals, April 1, 2000. Chapter 24 Dietary Supplements Teresa Bailey Klepser Ferris State University, Big Rapids, Michigan I. Additionally, since government regulations regarding the use and control of these products are admittedly inadequate, pharmacists need to be aware of the current and evolving regulations that do cover these products. Methods of judging the possible quality, a special challenge for these products, will be discussed. Liability issues are another important consideration for pharmacists when dealing with these products. Dietary Supplements the Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act of 1994 denes dietary supplements as: (a) a product (other than tobacco) intended to supplement the diet that bears or contains one or more of the following dietary ingredients: a vitamin, mineral, amino acid, herb, or other botanical; (b) a dietary substance for use to supplement the diet by increasing the total dietary intake; or (c) a concentrate, metabolite, constituent, extract, or combination of any ingredient described above. A dietary supplement also must be intended for ingestion in the form of a capsule, powder, softgel, or gelcap but is not considered a drug or a food [2]. Categories Dietary supplements are divided into many categories, including vitamins, minerals, amino acids, plant derivatives, animal derivatives, and thyroid derivatives. Plant derivatives may be obtained from any part of a plant and are known as botanicals or herbs. Examples include but are not limited to echinacea, garlic, ginkgo, ginseng, and St. Animal derivatives are derived from animal parts and include shark cartilage, glucosamine derived from bovine cartilage, and chondroitin derived from shellsh. Alternative Medicine ``Alternative medicine' includes all of the approaches and techniques that until the past few years were not taught in medical schools and residencies. Alternative medicine is also referred to as ``complementary medicine,' ``unconventional medicine,' or ``holistic medicine. Delivery Forms Dietary supplements are available in a variety of delivery forms such as capsules, tablets, teas, tinctures, extracts, and bulk herbs. Sixty-eight percent of the herbal products available are in the form of a capsule or tablet. Enteric-coated tablets or capsules of garlic are better absorbed since an active ingredient, allicin, is acid labile. The tablets or capsules bypass the stomach and release their contents in the alkaline medium of the small intestine [4]. An intravenous preparation of ginkgo is manufactured in Europe but is not available in the United States. Water extracts may be prepared from crude bulk botanical herbs and may be subdivided into infusions or decoctions. Infusions, also known as teas, are prepared by pouring boiling water over the herb and letting it steep. The active constituents of some herbs are water insoluble and may be ineective when prepared as a tea.