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Country of origin also was used in inference formation regarding missing attributes of a familiar product type (a wristwatch) when little product information was available. Finally, country of origin was shown to serve as a standard of comparison for product evaluations. When a consumer is familiar with a product described by a large amount of information, or is making an unimportant decision in which country information is encountered after attribute information is processed, contrast effects may emerge in which the product is perceived less favorably because of the loft y expectations regarding products made in that country. Extensive research has shown that when an unfamiliar new product is linked to a familiar brand category via brand extension. As implied by the Fiske and Pavelchak (1986) feature-matching model, the greater the match between a specific product and a more general brand category, the more likely it is that the product will be perceived as a member of that category. Consequently, properties typical of the brand category will be ascribed to the product. The authors showed that consistency between parent and extension brands with respect to their brand-name-concepts. Finally, Broniarczyk and Alba (1994a) argued that too much research attention has been allocated to similarity and too little to brand-specific associations. They found that salient brand-specific associations dominated brand affect and product category similarity in product evaluation. Schwarz (2004a, 2004b; Schwarz & Vaughn, 2002) argues that accessibility experiences, or the subjective ease or difficulty with which that content comes to mind, are equally important or even more important, in some situations. For example, in a classic study, people were asked to recall either 6 or 12 examples of their own assertive or unassertive behavior (Schwarz, Bless, Strack, Klumpp, Rittenauer-Schatka, & Simons, 1991). Participants rated themselves as more assertive when they recalled few (6) rather than many (12) examples of assertive behavior. They also rated themselves as more unassertive when they recalled few (6) rather than many (12) examples of unassertive behavior. It is easier to recall few rather than many examples of a particular type of behavior, and consequently, more extreme trait inferences are formed when few rather than many examples are recalled. Ease of retrieval is informative in its own right, and ease dominates content when accessibility experiences are perceived to be diagnostic. Different judgment tasks highlight different implicit theories about the implications of accessibility experiences. When it is easy to recall examples of a target event, people infer (a) that there are many examples when asked about frequency, (b) that the event happened recently when asked about timing, (c) that their memory is good when asked about memory clarity, (d) that the event is interesting or important when asked about interest or importance, (e) that the level of background noise is low when asked about distraction, and so on (Schwarz, 2004a). Schwarz (2004b) also found high levels of consensus for many different implicit theories about accessibility experiences, including "the more examples exist, the easier it is to bring some to mind; details of recent events are easier to recall than details of distant events; examples from categories that are well represented in memory are easier to recall than examples from categories that are poorly represented in memory; the more I know about something the easier it is to come up with examples; and things that are important to me are better represented in memory than things that are unimportant" (p. Schwarz (2004a) has shown that, over time, people might use different implicit theories, including implicit theories with opposite implications. For example, when asked to judge the quality of works of art, participants rated the work of art that took a long to complete. However, when asked to judge the talent of the artist, the artist that produced the work of art in a short period of time was rated as more talented than the artist that produced the work of art in a long period of time. Just as feelings of effort expenditure influence inferences about quality, so too do feelings of knowledge and ability. Consumers assume that if they spend a lot of time and effort thinking about an issue, they are likely to draw accurate conclusions. Similarly, if they have a lot of knowledge and experience regarding an issue, they assume that they are likely to draw accurate conclusions. Wicked environments provide minimal, noisy, or delayed feedback, whereas kind environments provide ample and immediate feedback with a high signal-to-noise ratio. Although inferential validity increases with the friendliness of the learning environment, consumers believe that they learn a lot as motivation (Mantel & Kardes, 1999) or experience (Muthukrishnan & Kardes, 2001) increases, regardless of the friendliness of the learning environment. Several important moderators of the judgmental effects of accessibility experiences have been identified. People are more likely to use accessibility experiences when involvement or processing motivation is low, and are more likely to use accessible content when involvement or processing motivation is high (Schwarz, 2004a). Accessibility (accessibility-as-information; Schwarz, 2004a) and mood (mood-as-information; Schwarz, 2002) are both more likely to be used as heuristic cues when involvement is low. Both types of heuristic cues are also likely to be discounted when extraneous sources of feelings of accessibility or mood are salient.

Attitude importance as a moderator of the relationship between implicit and explicit attitude measures. Brand name as a heuristic cue: the effects of task importance and expectancy confirmation on consumer judgments. The case for noncognitive determinants of attitude: A critique of Fishebein and Middlestadt. The relationship between the affective, behavioral, and cognitive components of attitude. Persuasion processes associated with direct comparative and noncomparative advertising and implications for advertising effectiveness. A cognitive response analysis of the temporal persistence of attitudes induced by persuasive communication. The evolution of theory and research in social psychology: From single to multiple effect and process models. Issue involvement can increase or decrease persuasion by enhancing message-relevant cognitive responses. Central and Peripheral Routes to Advertising Effectiveness: the Moderating Role of Involvement. Elaboration as a determinant of attitude strength: Creating attitudes that are persistent, resistant, and predictive of behavior. Positive mood and persuasion: Different roles for affect under high- and low-elaboration conditions. Conceptual and methodological issues in the Elaboration Likelihood Model of persuasion: A reply to the Michigan State critics. Source attributions and persuasion: Perceived honesty as a determinant of message scrutiny. The gradual threshold model of ambivalence: Relating the positive and negative bases of attitudes to subjective ambivalence. Extending the bases of subjective attitudinal ambivalence: Interpersonal and intrapersonal antecedents of evaluative tension. Understanding implicit and explicit attitude change: A systems of reasoning analysis. Predicting the effectiveness of different strategies of advertising variation: A test of the repetition-variation hypotheses. The social-identity function in person perception: Communicated meanings of product preferences. Source credibility and attitude certainty: A meta-cognitive analysis of resistance to persuasion. Measures and manipulations of strength related properties of attitudes: Current practice and future directions. Self-schema matching and attitude change: Situational and dispositional determinants of message elaboration. Rather than entering a choice situation as a "blank slate" and assessing alternatives completely on-the-spot, individuals virtually always have some knowledge of the type or category of product in question and often about specific brands as well. This chapter will consider how concepts like brands and categories of products can be related to other representations in memory and the implications for consumer behavior. We begin with the assumption that these consumer-related concepts can be uniquely represented in memory and associated to varying degrees with other mental representations. This variation, the strength of the association between two representations, determines the likelihood that activating one concept will result in the activation of the associated concept. Obviously, the nature of the associates of, for example, the representation of a brand will largely determine how an individual thinks about that brand and whether they might choose to purchase it. A representation strongly associated with a brand is more likely than a representation weakly associated with a brand to ultimately influence behavior. Predicting consumer choice thus entails having some idea about both the content of associated representations and on the strength of those associations. Many different kinds of associations in memory may prove relevant to consumer behavior. A brand, for instance, might be associated with usage situations, particular attributes, previous experiences, and so on.

In one case of alleged harassment by the police, several East Haven, Connecticut, police officers were arrested on federal charges due to reportedly continued harassment and brutalization of Latinos. When the accusations came out, the mayor of East Haven was asked, "What are you doing for the Latino community today This statement undermines the important issue of racial profiling and police harassment of Latinos, while belittling Latino culture by emphasizing an interest in a food product stereotypically associated with Latinos. Racism is prevalent toward many other groups in the United States including Native Americans, Arab this OpenStax book is available for free at cnx. Have you experienced or witnessed racism toward any of these racial or ethnic groups One reason modern forms of racism, and prejudice in general, are hard to detect is related to the dual attitudes model (Wilson, Lindsey, & Schooler, 2000). Humans have two forms of attitudes: explicit attitudes, which are conscious and controllable, and implicit attitudes, which are unconscious and uncontrollable (Devine, 1989; Olson & Fazio, 2003). Because holding egalitarian views is socially desirable (Plant & Devine, 1998), most people do not show extreme racial bias or other prejudices on measures of their explicit attitudes. However, measures of implicit attitudes often show evidence of mild to strong racial bias or other prejudices (Greenwald, McGee, & Schwartz, 1998; Olson & Fazio, 2003). Sexism Sexism is prejudice and discrimination toward individuals based on their sex. Typically, sexism takes the form of men holding biases against women, but either sex can show sexism toward their own or their opposite sex. Common forms of sexism in modern society include gender role expectations, such as expecting women to be the caretakers of the household. For example, women are expected to be friendly, passive, and nurturing, and when women behave in an unfriendly, assertive, or neglectful manner they often are disliked for violating their gender role (Rudman, 1998). Research by Laurie Rudman (1998) finds that when female job applicants selfpromote, they are likely to be viewed as competent, but they may be disliked and are less likely to be hired because they violated gender expectations for modesty. Sexism can exist on a societal level such as in hiring, employment opportunities, and education. Women are less likely to be hired or promoted in male-dominated professions such as engineering, aviation, and construction (Figure 12. Why do you think there are differences in the jobs women and men have, such as more women nurses but more male surgeons (Betz, 2008) These judgments and expectations can lead to ageism, or prejudice and discrimination toward individuals based solely on their age. Chang, Kannoth, Levy, Wang, Lee, and Levy (2020) reported on relationships between ageism and health outcomes over a 40-year-plus period from countries around the world. Across 11 health domains, people over 50 were likely to experience ageism most often in the form of being denied access to health services and work opportunities. Some cultures, however, including some Asian, Latino, and African American cultures, both outside and within the United States afford older adults respect and honor. Typically, ageism occurs against older adults, but ageism also can occur toward younger adults. Raymer, Reed, Spiegel, and Purvanova (2017) examined ageism against younger workers. They found that older workers endorsed negative stereotypes of younger workers, believing that they had more work deficit characteristics (including perceptions of incompetence). How might these forms of ageism affect a younger and older adult who are applying for a sales clerk position Homophobia Another form of prejudice is homophobia: prejudice and discrimination of individuals based solely on their sexual orientation. In some cases, people have been tortured and/or murdered simply because they were not straight. This passionate response has led some researchers to question what motives might exist for homophobic people. Adams, Wright, & Lohr (1996) conducted a study investigating this issue and their results were quite an eye-opener.

Although the role of the observer in both types of performance is as a witness to the action rather than as a direct participant, the outcome of a show performance is usually predictable or ritualistic. Conversely, skill performance is characterized by tension and uncertainty about the eventual outcome. Competitive sporting events represent a type of contested skill performance (Barthes, 1972). Although ties do occur in a number of sports, competitive sporting events are contested so as to result in one of two outcomes, each in direct opposition to the other: one competitor wins and the other loses. The competitive nature of sports distinguishes it from many other forms of entertainment performances. It is the experience of suspense arising from the possibility of alternative outcomes to a competitive sporting event that makes this form of entertainment so compelling to spectators. However, uncertainty over the outcome is not enough to generate feelings of suspense. It is, then, concern over the desirability or undesirability of the consequences associated with alternative outcomes that constitutes the other necessary requirement of suspense. According to Zillmann (1996), concern over the outcome is more critical to the experience of suspense than uncertainty. Suspense depends on a bottom-up process in which appraisals of the action occurring during the contest and the associated implications of those actions on the desirability of the eventual outcome vacillate from one moment to the next. Changing appraisals lead to feelings of (a) fear that a desirable outcome may not befall a preferred competitor, (b) fear that an undesirable outcome may befall a preferred competitor, (c) hope that a desirable outcome will befall a preferred competitor, (d) hope that an undesirable outcome will not befall a preferred competitor, and (e) any possible combination of these hopes and fears (Carroll, 1996). According to Zillmann (1996), "hopes and fears are inseparably intertwined in the apprehensions that produce suspense" (p. It is therefore not surprising that appraisal theorists Ortony, Clore, and Collins (1988) view suspense as "involving a Hope emotion and a Fear emotion coupled with the cognitive state of uncertainty" (capitalized in the original, p. That viewers watch competitive sports for purposes of pleasure seems at first to be counterintuitive given the noxious state of apprehension that often accompanies high levels of suspense. Yet, it is the tension arising from vacillating feelings of hope and fear that people seek from the experience. In fact, research has shown that the entertainment value derived from this form of skill performance increases at greater levels of suspense (Gan, Tuggle, Mitrook, Coussement, & Zillmann, 1997). Interestingly, entertainment value may be greater under conditions of high suspense regardless of the outcome. Madrigal, Bee, and LaBarge (2005) reported in multiple studies that viewers of simulated races derived greater enjoyment following high-suspense races in which their preferred competitor lost than did those whose competitor won a low-suspense race. It should be noted, however, that the competitors used in these studies evoked relatively low levels of fan allegiance. Section Summary Sporting events represent a unique form of consumer entertainment that emphasizes the skill of the actors which are, in this case, athletes or teams. Given that winning is available to only one competitor, sporting events represent a type of competitive contest in which the action is unscripted and unfolds naturally with outcomes seldom known until the very end of the experience. Uncertainty about how things will turn out coupled with a strong preference for one outcome over another creates feelings of suspense. It is these feelings of suspense which are characterized by intertwined feelings of hope and fear over the possibility of alternative outcomes that constitute the value proposition derived from the fan experience. According to Zillmann, Bryant, and Sapolsky (1989), two propositions underlie disposition theory. First, in the case of a win, enjoyment is hypothesized to increase when the spectator has a positive affective disposition toward the team and to decrease in the presence of a negative affective disposition. The latter proposition is consistent with the notion of schadenfreude, a German word that describes the pleasure that one party experiences at the misfortunes of another; a response that is heightened when feelings of antagonism exist among the concerned parties (Heider, 1958; see Leach Spears, Branscombe, & Doosje, 2003). Thus, based on disposition theory, two options exist for a desirable (undesirable) outcome: a liked competitor wins (loses) or a disliked competitor loses (wins). In the case of relief pleasure is felt when the prospect of an undesirable outcome has been eliminated or changed for the better. In a test of disposition theory, Bee and Madrigal (2003) manipulated viewer empathy toward the athlete. In one condition, an unknown target athlete was described in favorable terms so as to create a positive affective disposition toward the target and his competitor was described in neutral terms. In another condition, the athlete was described in unfavorable terms in order to create a negative affective disposition and, again, his competitor was described in neutral terms. The expected differences in each emotion were found between liked and disliked athletes within each outcome condition.